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March 4, 1833 until March 3, 1837
Martin Van Buren, born on December 5, 1782, in Kinderhook, New York, emerged from modest beginnings to become one of the most influential early political figures in the United States. As the son of a Dutch farmer and tavern keeper, he grew up in a relatively prosperous middle-class household. Van Buren received a solid education under private tutors, which laid the foundation for a successful career in law and politics. Notably, he became the first president born a United States citizen, a reflection of the country’s new era post-Revolution. Van Buren’s presidency, however, was marked by one of the worst economic crises of the 19th century, the Panic of 1837, and he is credited with playing a pivotal role in the organization of the Democratic Party, which he helped mold into a national institution.
After studying law, Van Buren was admitted to the bar in 1803 at the young age of 20. Establishing a successful law practice, he became engaged in New York politics, where he soon earned a reputation as a skilled strategist and tactician. Van Buren led the powerful Albany Regency, a political machine that dominated New York’s Democratic-Republican Party. Through the Regency, Van Buren effectively challenged political rivals, including Governor DeWitt Clinton, controlling New York politics with precision. His influence and political adroitness earned him the nicknames "The Little Magician" and "The Fox of Kinderhook."
Van Buren was known not only for his political skill but also for his meticulous appearance and refined lifestyle, gaining a reputation as a "dandy." His political career flourished: he served in the New York State Senate from 1812 and held the office of state attorney general from 1816 to 1819. In 1821, he was elected to the United States Senate by the New York legislature, where he continued to maintain influence over state politics via the Albany Regency. In the Senate, Van Buren emerged as a leading figure, initially supporting William H. Crawford’s presidential bid in 1824 and opposing John Quincy Adams' administration. When Andrew Jackson ran for president in 1828, Van Buren played a crucial role in organizing the coalition that led to Jackson's victory.
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| Official Presidential portrait of Martin van Buren, 1858, by G.P.A. Healy |
After Jackson’s victory, Van Buren was appointed Secretary of State, resigning as governor of New York shortly after assuming the position. His close advisory role to Jackson earned him the president’s trust, particularly during a power struggle with Vice President John C. Calhoun. Van Buren’s loyalty to Jackson solidified his position within the administration, leading to his nomination as minister to Great Britain in 1831. However, Calhoun, as Senate president, cast a tie-breaking vote that blocked Van Buren's confirmation. This setback intensified Jackson's determination to back Van Buren as his vice-presidential running mate in 1832, a position Van Buren won with ease. In 1836, with Jackson’s endorsement, Van Buren secured the Democratic nomination for the presidency and, benefiting from divisions within the Whig Party, won the election, becoming the first president from New York.
Van Buren’s presidency, however, was far from easy. Almost immediately after he took office in 1837, the nation plunged into a severe economic depression known as the Panic of 1837. Holding steadfast to Jeffersonian principles of limited government, Van Buren resisted federal intervention to alleviate the crisis, instead focusing on structural reforms to protect federal funds. In 1840, he signed the Independent Treasury Bill, which separated federal finances from private banks—a move intended to safeguard government assets. Despite these efforts, the depression persisted, and the country’s economic woes undermined Van Buren’s popularity. His policies, such as opposing the expansion of slavery and refusing to annex Texas, alienated both Northern and Southern factions within his party.
In the 1840 election, Van Buren lost to Whig candidate William Henry Harrison by a significant margin, securing only 60 electoral votes to Harrison's 234. Still, he remained politically active, vying for the Democratic nomination again in 1844. While he entered the convention with strong support, his refusal to endorse Texas annexation cost him the nomination, which ultimately went to James K. Polk. In 1848, Van Buren made a final presidential bid, this time backed by the anti-slavery Free Soil Party. His candidacy divided the Democratic vote, ultimately aiding Zachary Taylor’s victory for the Whigs.
Retiring to his home in Kinderhook, Van Buren spent his later years in relative seclusion, largely stepping back from politics. He died on July 24, 1862, leaving behind a legacy as a founder of the Democratic Party and a master of political organization. Known for his skillful maneuvering, Martin Van Buren’s life reflected the complex political landscape of early America, navigating alliances, sectional tensions, and the transformation of the presidency in a young and evolving republic.
Appleton's Cyclopædia of American Biography
VAN BUREN, Martin, eighth president of the United States, born in Kinderhook, Columbia County, New York, 5 December, 1782; died there, 24 July, 1862. He was the eldest son of Abraham Van Buren, a small farmer, and of Mary Hoes (originally spelled Goes), whose first husband was named Van Men. Martin studied the rudiments of English and Latin in the schools of his native village, and read law in the office of Francis Sylvester at the age of fourteen years. Rising as a student by slow gradations from office-boy to lawyer's clerk, copyist of pleas, and finally to the rank of special pleader in the constables' courts, he patiently pursued his legal novitiate through the term of seven years and familiarized himself with the technique of the bar and with the elements of common law. Combining with these professional studies a fondness for extemporaneous debate, he was early noted for his intelligent observation of public events and for his interest in politics. He was chosen to participate in a nominating convention when he was only eighteen years old. In 1802 he went to New York city and there studied law with William P. Van Ness, a friend of Aaron Burr. He was admitted to the bar in 1803, returned to Kinderhook, and associated himself in practice with his half-brother, James I. Van Alen.
Van Buren was a zealous adherent of Jefferson, and supported Morgan Lewis for governor of New York in 1803 against Aaron Burr. In February, 1807, he married Hannah Hoes, a distant kinswoman, and in the winter of 1806-'7 he removed to Hudson, the county-seat of Columbia county, and in the same year was admitted to practice in the supreme court. In the state election of 1807 he supported Daniel D. Tompkins for governor against Morgan Lewis, the latter, in the factional changes of New York politics, having come to be considered less true than the former to the measures of Jefferson. In 1808 Van Buren became surrogate of Columbia county, displacing his half-brother and partner, who belonged to the defeated faction. He held this office till 1813, when, on a change of party predominance at Albany, his half-brother was restored. Attentively watching the drift of political events, he figured in the councils of his party at a convention held in Albany early in 1811, when the proposed re-charter of the United States bank was the leading question of Federal politics. Though Albert Gallatin. secretary of the treasury, had recommended a re-charter, the predominant sentiment of the Republican party was adverse to the measure. Van Buren shared in this hostility and publicly lauded the"Spartan firmness" of George Clinton when as vice-president he gave his casting-vote in the United States senate against the bank bill, 20 February, 1811.
In 1812 Van Buren was elected to the senate of New York from the middle district as a Clinton Republican, defeating Edward P. Livingston, the candidate of the " Quids," by a majority of 200. He took his seat in November of that year and became thereby a member of the court of errors, then composed of senators in connection with the chancellor and the supreme court. As senator he strenuously opposed the charter of "the Bank of America," which, with a large capital and with the promise of liberal subsidies to the state treasury, was then seeking to establish itself in New York and to take the place of the United States bank. He upheld Governor Tompkins when, exercising his extreme prerogative, he prorogued the legislature on 27 March, 1812, to prevent the passage of the bill. Though counted among the adherents of the administration of Madison, and though committed to the policy of declaring war against Great Britain, he sided with the Republican members of the New York legislature when in 1812 they determined to break from "the Virginia dynasty" and to support De Witt Clinton for the presidency. In the following year, however, he dissolved his political relations with Clinton and resumed the entente cordiale with Madison's administration.
In 1814 he carried through the legislature an effective war-measure known as "the classification bill," providing for the levy of 12,000 men, to be placed at the disposal of the government for two years. He drew up the resolution of thanks voted by the legislature to General Jackson for the victory of New Orleans. In 1815, while still a member of the state senate, he was appointed attorney-general of the state, superseding the venerable Abraham Van Vechten. In this same year De Witt Clinton. falling a prey to factional rivalries in his own party, was removed by the Albany council from the mayoralty of New York city, an act of petty proscription in which Van Buren sympathized, according to the "spoils system " then in vogue. In 1816 he was re-elected to the state senate for a further term of four years, and, removing to Albany, formed a partnership with his life-long friend, Benjamin F. Butler. In the same year he was appointed a regent of the University of New York. In the legislative discussions of 1816 he advocated the surveys preliminary to Clinton's scheme for uniting the waters of the great lakes with the Hudson.
The election of Governor Tompkins as vice-president of the United States had left the "Bucktails" of the Republican party without their natural leader. The people, moreover, in just resentment at the indignity done to Clinton by his removal from the New York mayoralty, were now spontaneously minded to make him governor that he might preside over the execution of the Erie canal which he had projected. Van Buren acquiesced in a drift of opinion that he was powerless to check, and, on the election of Clinton, supported the canal policy; but he soon came to an open rupture with the governor on questions of public patronage, and, arraying himself in active opposition to Clinton's reelection, he was in turn subjected to the proscription of the Albany council acting in Clinton's interest. He was removed from the office of attorney-general in 1819. He opposed the re-election of Clinton in 1820. Clinton was re-elected by a small majority, but both houses of the legislature and the council of appointment fell into the hands of the anti-Clinton Republicans. The office of attorney-general was now tendered anew to Van Buren, but he declined it. The politics of New York, a mesh of factions from the beginning of the century, were in a constant state of swirl and eddy from 1819 till 1821.
The old party-formations were dissolved in the "era of good feeling." What with "Simon-pure" Republicans, Clintonian Republicans, Clintonian Federalists, "high-minded" Federalists cleaving to Monroe, and Federalists pure and simple, the points of crystallization were too many to admit of forming a strong or compact body around any center. No party could combine votes enough in the legislature of 1818-'19 to elect its candidate for United States senator. Yet out of this medley of factions and muddle of opinions Van Buren, by his moderation and his genius for political organization, evolved order and harmony at the election for senator in the following year. Under his lead all parties united on Rufus King, a Federalist of the old school, who had patriotically supported the war against Great Britain after it was declared, and who by his candor had won the confidence of President Monroe; and Rufus King was re-elected with practical unanimity at a time when he was fresh from the hot debate in the United States sell-ate against the admission of Missouri without a restriction on slavery. His anti-slavery views on that question were held by Van Buren to "conceal no , plot"against the Republicans, who, he engaged, would give "a true direction" to that momentous issue. What the"true direction" was to be he did not say, except as it might be inferred from his concurrence in a resolution of the legislature of New York instructing the senators of that state "to oppose the admission, as a state in the Union, of any territory not comprised within the original boundaries of the United States without making the prohibition of slavery therein an indispensable condition of admission." In that Republican resolution of 1820" the Wilmot proviso" of 1847 appeared above our political horizon, but soon vanished from sight on the passage of the Missouri compromise in 1821.
On 6 February, 1821, Van Buren was elected United States senator, receiving in both houses of the legislature a majority of twenty-five over Nathan Sanford, the Clintonian candidate, for whom the Federalists also voted. In the same year he was chosen from Otsego county as a member of the convention to revise the constitution of the state. In that convention he met in debate Chancellor Kent, Chief-Justice Ambrose Spencer, and others. Against innovations his attitude was here conservative. He advocated the executive veto. He opposed manhood suffrage, seeking to limit the elective franchise to householders, that this "invaluable right" might not be "cheapened" and that the rural districts might not be overborne by the cities. He favored Negro suffrage if black Americans were taxed. With offence to party friends, he vehemently resisted the eviction by constitutional change of the existing supreme court, though its members were his bitter political enemies, lie opposed an elective judiciary and the choice of minor offices by the people, as swamping the right it pretended to exalt.
He took his seat in the United States senate, 3 December, 1821, and was at once made a member of its committees on the judiciary and finance. For many years he was chairman of the former. In March, 1822, he voted, on the bill to provide a territorial government for Florida, that no slave should be directly or indirectly imported into that territory "except by a citizen removing into it for actual settlement and being at the time a bona-fide owner of such slave."
Van Buren voted with the northern senators for the retention of this clause; but, its exclusion by the vote of the southern senators did not import any countenance to the introduction of slaves into Florida from abroad, as such introduction was already prohibited by a Federal statute which in another part of the gill was extended to Florida. Always averse to imprisonment for debt as the result of misfortune, Van Buren took an early opportunity to advocate its abolition as a feature of Federal jurisprudence. He opposed in 1824 the ratification of the convention with England for the suppression of the slave-trade (perhaps because a qualified right of search was annexed to it), though the convention was urgently pressed on the senate by President Monroe. He supported William H. Crawford for the presidency in 1824, both in the congressional caucus and before the people. He voted for the protective tariff of 1824 and for that of 1828, though he took no part in the discussion of the economic principles underlying either. He voted for the latter under instructions, maintaining a politic silence as to his personal opinions, which seem to have favored a revenue tariff with incidental protection.
He vainly advocated an amendment of the constitution for the election of president by the intervention of an electoral college to be specially chosen from as many separate districts as would comprise the whole country while representing the electoral power of all the states. The measure was designed to appease the jealousy of the small states by practically wiping out state lines in presidential elections and at the same time proposed to guard against, elections by the house of representatives, as in ease of no choice at a first scrutiny the electoral colleges were to be reconvened. After voting for a few " internal improvements," he opposed them as unconstitutional in the shape then given to them, and proposed in 1824 and again in 1825 to bring them within the power of congress by a constitutional amendment that should protect the "sovereignty of the states" while equally distributing these benefits of the government.
In a debate on the Federal judiciary in 1826 he took high ground in favor of "state rights" as against the umpirage of the supreme court on political questions, and deplored the power of that court to arraign sovereign states at its bar for the passage of laws alleged to impair "the obligation of contracts." He confessed admiration for the Republicans of 1802 who had repealed "the midnight judiciary act." He opposed the Panama mission, and reduced the "Monroe doctrine" to its true historical proportions as a caveat and not a "pledge." On all questions he was strenuous for a "strict construction of the constitution." He favored in 1826 the passage of a general bankrupt law, but, in opposing the pending measure, sharply accentuated the technical distinction of English law between "bankrupt" and "insolvent" acts--a distinction which, in the complexity of modern business transactions, Chief-Justice Marshall had pronounced to be more metaphysical than real, but which to Van Buren was vital because the constitution says nothing about "insolvent laws."
He was re-elected to the senate in 1827, but soon resigned his seat to accept the office of governor of New York, to which he was elected in 1828. As governor he opposed free banking and advocated the "safety-fund system," making all the banks of the state mutual insurers of each other's soundness. He vainly recommended the policy of separating state from Federal elections. After entering on the office of governor he never resumed the practice of law. Yah Buren was a zealous supporter of Andrew Jackson in the presidential election of 1828, and was called in 1829 to be the premier of the new administration.
As secretary of state he brought, to a favorable close the long-standing feud between the United States and England with regard to the West India trade. Having an eye to the presidential succession after Jackson's second term, and not wishing meanwhile to compromise the administration or himself, he resigned his secretary ship in June, 1831, and was sent as minister to England. The senate refused in 1832 to confirm his nomination, by the casting-vote of John C. Calhoun, the vice-president. Conscientious Whigs, like Theodore Frelinghuysen, confessed in after days the reluctance with which they consented to this doubtful act. A clause in one of Van Buren's dispatches while secretary, containing an invidious reference to the preceding administration, was alleged as the ground of his rejection. The offence was venial, compared with the license taken by Robert R. Livingston when, in negotiating the Louisiana purchase, he cited the specter of a Federalist administration playing into the hands of " the British faction." Moreover, the pretext was an afterthought, as the clause had excited no remark when first published, and, when the outcry was raised, Jackson " took the responsibility " for it. The tactical blunder of the Whigs soon avenged itself by bringing increased popularity to Van Buren. He became, with Jackson, the symbol of his party, and, elected vice-president in 1832, he came in 1833 to preside over the body which a year before had rejected him as foreign minister. He presided with unvarying suavity and fairness.
Taking no public part in the envenomed discussions of the time, he was known to sympathize with Jackson in his warfare on the United States bank, and soon came to be generally regarded by his party as the lineal successor of that popular leader He was formally nominated for the presidency on 20 May, 1835, and was elected in 1836 over his three competitors, William H. Harrison, Hugh L. White, and Daniel Webster, by a majority of 57 in the electoral college, but of only 25,000 in the popular vote. The tide of Jacksonism was beginning to ebb. South Carolina, choosing her electors by state legislature and transferring to Van Buren her hatred of Jackson, voted for Willie P. Mangum. During the canvass Van Buren had been opposed at the north and championed at the south as "a northern man with southern principles." As vice-president, he had in 1835 given a casting-vote for the bill to prohibit the circulation of "incendiary documents" through the mails, and as a candidate for the presidency he had pledged himself to resist the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia without the consent of the slave-states and to oppose the " slightest interference" with slavery in the states. He had also pledged himself against the distribution of surplus revenues among the states, against internal improvements at Federal expense, and against a national bank.
Compelled by the fiscal embarrassments of the government, in the financial crash of 1837, to summon congress to meet in special session, 4 September, 1837, he struck in his first message the key-note of his whole administration. After a detailed analysis of the financial situation, and of the causes in trade and speculation that had led to it, he proceeded to develop his favorite idea of an independent treasury for the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public moneys. This idea was not new. It was as old as the constitution. The practice of the government had departed from it only by insensible degrees, until at length, in spite of the protests of Jefferson, it had been consolidated into a formal order of congress that the revenues of the government should be deposited in the United States bank. On the removal of the deposits by Jackson in 1833, they had been placed in the custody of " the pet banks," and had here been used to stimulate private trade and speculation, until the crisis in 1837 necessitated a change of fiscal policy. By every consideration of public duty and safety, conspiring with what he believed to be economic advantage to the people, Van Buren enforced the policy of an independent treasury on a reluctant congress. There was here no bating of breath or mincing of words; but it was not until near the close of his administration that he succeeded in procuring the assent of congress to the radical measure that divorced the treasury from private banking and trade. The measure was formally repealed by the Whig congress of 1842, after which the public moneys were again deposited in selected banks until 1846, when the independent treasury was reinstalled and has ever since held its place under all changes of administration. He signed the independent treasury bill on 4 July, 1840, as being a sort of " second Declaration of Independence," in his own idea and in that of his party. Von Holst, the sternest of Van Buren's critics, awards to him on "this one question" the credit of " courage, firmness, and statesman-like insight." It was the chef d'oeuvre of his public career. He also deserves credit for the fidelity with which, at the evident sacrifice of popularity with a certain class of voters, he adhered to neutral obligations on the outbreak of the Canada rebellion late in 1837.
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Martin Van Buren President of the United States 1837, Bronze Peace and friendship Medal, President of the United States, A. D. (Anno Domini: The year of our Lord) 1837. Bust of President Van Buren, facing the right, FÜRST Fecit - Obverse - Martin Van Buren was born at Kinderhook, Columbia County, New York, December 5, 1782. He received his early education at a common school; was admitted to the bar in the city of New York, 1803; State senator, 1812; attorney-general of New York, 1815; United States senator, 1821-1828; governor of New York, 1828; secretary of State to President Jackson, 1829-1831; appointed minister to England, 1831, but was not confirmed by the Senate; vice-president of the United States, 1833-1837; President of the United States, 1837-1841. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the Presidency in 1848. He died at Kinderhook, July 24, 1862. |
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Martin Van Buren President of the United States 1837, Bronze Peace and friendship Medal, President of the United States, A. D. (Anno Domini: The year of our Lord) 1837. Bust of President Van Buren, facing the right, FÜRST Fecit. PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP. Two hands clasped in token of amity; on the cuff of the left wrist three stripes, and buttons with the American eagle on them; the other wrist bare; above the hands, a calumet and tomahawk crossed—Indian emblems of peace and war. |
The administration of Van Buren, beginning and ending with financial panic, went down under the cloud resting on the country in 1840. The enemies and the friends of the United States bank had equally sown the wind during Jackson's administration. Van Buren was left to reap the whirlwind, which in the "political hurricane" of 1840 lifted General Harrison into the presidential chair. The Democratic defeat was overwhelming. Harrison received 234 electoral votes, and Van Buren only 60. The majority for Harrison in the popular vote was nearly 140,000. Retiring after this overthrow to the shades of Lindenwald, a beautiful country-seat which he had purchased in his native county, Van Buren gave no vent to repinings. In 1842 he made a tour through the southern states, visiting Henry Clay at Ashland. In 1843 he came to the front with clear-cut views in favor of a tariff for revenue only. But on the newly emergent question of Texas annexation he took a decided stand in the negative, and on this rock of offence to the southern wing of his party his candidature was wrecked in the Democratic national convention of 1844, which met at Baltimore on 27 May. He refused to palter with this issue, on the ground of our neutral obligations to Mexico, and when the nomination went to James K. Polk, of Tennessee, he gave no sign of resentment. His friends brought to Polk a loyal support, and secured his election by carrying for him the decisive vote of New York.
Van Buren continued to take an interest in public affairs, and when in 1847 the acquisition of new territory from Mexico raised anew the vexed question of slavery in the territories, he gave in his adhesion to the"Wilmot proviso." In the new elective affinities produced by this "burning question" a redistribution of political elements took place in the chaos of New York politics. The " Barnburner" and the "Hunker" factions came to a sharp cleavage on this line of division. The former declared their "uncompromising hostility to the extension of slavery." In the Herkimer Democratic convention of 26 October. 1847, the Free-soil banner was openly displayed, and delegates were sent to the Democratic national convention. From this convention, assembled at Baltimore in May, 1848, the Herkimer delegates se ceded before any presidential nomination was made. In June, 1848, a Barnburner convention met at Utica to organize resistance to the nomination of General Lewis Cass, who, in his " Nicholson letter," had disavowed the "Wilmot proviso." To this convention Van Buren addressed a letter, declining in advance a nomination for the presidency, but pledging opposition to the new party shibboleth.
In spite of his refusal, he was nominated, and this nomination was reaffirmed by the Free-soil national convention of Buffalo, 9 August, 1848, when Charles Francis Adams was associated with him as candidate for the vice-presidency. In the ensuing presidential election this ticket received only 291,263 votes, but, as the result of the triangular duel, General Cass was defeated and Gen. Zachary Taylor, the Whig candidate, was elected. The precipitate annexation of Texas and its natural sequel, the war with Mexico, had brought their Nemesis in the utter confusion of national politics. Van Buren received no electoral votes, but his popular Democratic vote in Massachusetts, Vermont, and New York exceeded that of Cass. Henceforth he was simply a spectator in the political arena. On all public questions save that of slavery he remained an unfaltering Democrat, and when it was fondly supposed that "the slavery issue" had been forever exorcised by the compromise measures of 1850, he returned in full faith and communion to his old party allegiance. In 1852 he began to write his " Inquiry into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States" (New York, 1867), but it was never finished and was published as a fragment. He supported Franklin Pierce for the presidency in 1852, and, after spending two years in Europe, returned in time to vote for James Buchanan in 1856. In 1860 he voted for the combined electoral ticket against Lincoln, but when the civil war began he gave to the administration his zealous support.
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| Martin Van Buren, 1840 Partly-printed Military Commission signed president and countersigned by Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett (for whom the popular Christmas flower was named) |
Van Buren was the target of political accusation during his whole public career, but kept his private character free from reproach. In his domestic life he was as happy as he was exemplary. Always prudent in his habits and economical in his tastes, he none the less maintained in his style of living the easy state of a gentleman, whether in public station at Albany and Washington, or at Lindenwald in his retirement. As a man of the world he was singularly affable and courteous, blending formal deference with natural dignity and genuine cordiality. Intensely partisan in his opinions and easily startled by the red rag of "Hamiltonian Federalism," he never carried the contentions of the political arena into the social sphere. The asperities of personal rivalry estranged him for a time from Calhoun, after the latter denounced him in the senate in 1837 as "a practical politician," with whom " justice, right, patriotism, etc., were mere vague phrases," but with his great Whig rival, Henry Clay, he maintained unbroken relations of friendship through the vicissitudes of political fortune.
As a lawyer his rank was eminent. Though never rising in speech to the heights of oratory, he was equally fluent and facile before bench or jury, and equally felicitous whether expounding the intricacies of fact or of law in a case. His manner was mild and insinuating, never declamatory. Without carrying his juridical studies into the realm of jurisprudence, he yet had a knowledge of law that fitted him to cope with the greatest advocates of the New York bar. The evidences of his legal learning and acute dialectics are still preserved in the New York reports of Johnson Cowen, and Wendell. As a debater in the senate, he always went to the pith of questions, disdaining the arts of rhetoric. As a writer of political letters or of state papers, he carried diffusiveness to a fault, which sometimes hinted at a weakness in positions requiring so much defense. As a politician he was masterful in leadership--so much so that, alike by friends and foes, he was credited with reducing its practices to a fine art. He was a member of the famous Albany regency which for so many years controlled the politics of New York, and was long popularly known as its "director." Fertile in the contrivance of means for the attainment of the public ends which he deemed desirable. he was called "the little magician," from the deftness of his touch in politics. But combining the statesman's foresight with the politician's tact, he showed his sagacity rather by seeking a majority for his views than by following the views of a majority. Accused of "non-committalism," and with some show of reason in the early stages of his career, it was only as to men and minor measures of policy that he practiced a prudent reticence. On questions of deeper principle--an elective judiciary, Negro suffrage, universal suffrage, etc. he boldly took the unpopular side.
In a day of unexampled political giddiness he stood firmly for his sub-treasury system against the doubts of friends, the assaults of enemies, and the combined pressure of wealth and culture in the country. Dispensing patronage according to the received custom of his times, he yet maintained a high standard of appointment. That he could rise above selfish considerations was shown when he promoted the elevation of Rufus King in 1820, or when he strove in 1838 to bring Washington Irving into his cabinet with small promise of gain to his doubtful political fortunes by such an "unpractical" appointment. As a statesman he had his compact fagot of opinions, to which he adhered in evil or good report.
It might seem that the logic of his principles in 1848, combined with the subsequent drift of events, should have landed him in the Free-soil party that Abraham Lincoln led to victory in 1860: but it is to be remembered that, while Van Buren's political opinions were in a fluid state, they had been cast in the doctrinal moulds of Jefferson, and had there taken rigid form and pressure. In the natural history of American party-formations he supposed that an enduring antithesis had always been discernible between the "money power" and the"farming interest" of the land. In his annual message of December, 1838, holding language very modern in its emphasis, he counted "the anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth" as among the strains that had been put upon our government. This is indeed the mare thesis of his " Inquiry," a book which is snore an apologia than a history. In that chronicle of his life-long antipathy to a splendid consolidated government, with its imperial judiciary, funding sys-terns, high tariffs, and internal improvements--the whole surmounted by a powerful national bank as the "regulator" of finance and politics--he has left an outlined sketch of the only dramatic unity that can be found for his eventful career.
Confessing in 1848 that he had gone further in concession to slavery than many of his friends at the north had approved, he satisfied himself with a formal protest against the repeal of the Missouri compromise, carried through congress while he was traveling in Europe, and against the policy of making the Dred Scott decision a rule of Democratic politics, though he thought the decision sound in point of technical law. With these reservations, avowedly made in the interest of "strict construction" and of "old-time Republicanism" rather than of Free-soil or National reformation, he maintained his allegiance to the party with which his franc was identified, and which he was perhaps the more unwilling to leave because of the many sacrifices he had made in its service The biography of Van Buren has been written by William H. Holland (Hartford, 1835)" Francis J. Grund (in German, 1835); William Emmons (Washington, 1835)" David Crockett (Philadelphia, 1836)" William L. Mackenzie (Boston, 1846)" William Allen Butler (New York, 1862); and Edward M. Shepard (Boston, 1888). Mackenzie's book is compiled in part from surreptitious letters, shedding a lurid light on the " practical polities" of the times. Butler's sketch was published immediately after the ex-president's death. Shepard's biography is written with adequate learning and in a philosophical spirit.
--His wife, Hannah Van Buren, born in Kinderhook, New York, in 1782; died in Albany, New York, 5 February, 1819, was of Dutch descent, and her maiden name was Hoes. She was educated in the schools of her native village, and was the classmate of Mr. Van Buren, whom she married in 1807. She was devoted to her domestic cares and duties, and took little interest in social affairs, but was greatly beloved by the poor. When she learned that she could live but a few days, she expressed a desire that her funeral be conducted with the utmost simplicity, and the money that would otherwise have been devoted to mourning emblems be given to the needy.
--His brother, Lawrence Van Buren, soldier, born in Kinderhook, New York, in 1783; died there, 1 July, 1868, served in the war of 1812-'15, in which he attained the rank of major. He was a presidential elector on the Democratic ticket in 1852.--Martin's son, Abraham, soldier, born in Kinderhook, New York, 27 November, 1807; died in New York city, 15 March, 1873, was graduated at the United States military academy in 1827, and attached to the 2d infantry as 2d lieutenant. He served for two years on the western frontier, and for the next seven years as aide-de-camp to the general-in-chief, Alexander Macomb, except during several months in 1836, when he accompanied General Winfield Scott as a volunteer aide in the expedition against the Seminole Indians. He was commissioned as a captain in the 1st dragoons on 4 July, 1836, resigning on 3 March, 1837, to become his father's private secretary. He brought daily reports of the proceedings of congress to President Van Buren, who was often influenced by his suggestions. At the beginning of the war with Mexico he re-entered the army as major and paymaster, his commission dating from 26 June, 1846. He served on the staff of General Zachary Taylor at Monterey, and subsequently joined the staff of General Scott as a volunteer, and participated in every engagement frown Vera Cruz to the capture of the city of Mexico, being brevetted lieutenant-colonel for bravery at Contreras and Churubusco on 20 August, 1847. He served in the paymaster's department after the war till 1 June, 1854, when he again resigned, after which he resided for a part of the time in Columbia, South Carolina (where his wife inherited a plantation), till 1859, and afterward in New York city except during three years' absence in Europe.
--Another son, John Van Buren, lawyer, born in Hudson, New York, 18 February, 1810; died at sea, 13 October, 1866, was graduated at Yale in 1828, studied law with Benjamin F. Butler, and was admitted to the bar at Albany in 1830. In the following year he accompanied his father to London as an attache of the legation. In February, 184,5, he was elected attorney-general of the state of New York, serving till 31 December, 1846. He took an active part in the political canvass of 1848 as an advocate of the exclusion of slavery from the territories, but did not remain with the Free-soil party in its later developments. He held high rank as a lawyer, appearing in the Edwin Forrest and many other important cases, was an eloquent; pleader, and an effective political speaker. He died on the voyage from Liverpool to New York. He was popularly known as " Prince John," was tall and handsome, and of elegant manners and appearance.-
-Abraham's wife, Angelica Van Buren, born in Sumter district, South Carolina, about 1820; died in New York city, 29 December, 1878, was a daughter of Richard Singleton, a planter, and a cousin of William C. Preston and of Mrs. James Madison, who, while her kinswoman was completing her education in Philadelphia, presented her to President Van Buren. A year later she married Major Van Buren, in November, 1838, and on the following New Year's day she made her first appearance as mistress of the White House. With her husband she visited England (where her uncle, Andrew Stevenson, was United States minister) and other countries of Europe, in the spring of 1839, returning in the autumn to resume her place as hostess of the presidential mansion. The accompanying vignette is from a portrait painted by Henry Inman.
A Life of Quiet Devotion and Compassion
Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents
Continental Congress of the United States Presidents
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
Chart Comparing Presidential Powers - Click Here
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202-239-1774 | Office
Dr. Naomi and Stanley Yavneh Klos, Principals
Hannah Hoes Van Buren
Hannah Van Buren, born Hannah Hoes on March 8, 1783, in Kinderhook, New York, was a woman of Dutch heritage who lived a life marked by devotion to family and a steadfast compassion for those in need. Raised in a community deeply influenced by its Dutch roots, Hannah was part of a close-knit family that valued hard work, modesty, and humility. Her early years were spent in Kinderhook, where she received a basic education at the local school, as was customary for girls of her background. Hannah’s life took a significant turn when she reconnected with her childhood friend and cousin, Martin Van Buren, with whom she had attended school. Their bond deepened, and in 1807, they married, beginning a partnership that would span over a decade until her untimely death in 1819.
Although she was married to a man who would later become the eighth president of the United States, Hannah Hoes Van Buren was never drawn to the public sphere and led a quiet, private life focused on her family. While Martin Van Buren pursued his legal and political ambitions, Hannah managed their home with care, dedication, and humility. She was known for her reluctance to participate in social events and political gatherings, finding greater fulfillment in the quiet routines and responsibilities of her household. Her friends and neighbors often remarked on her gentle and unassuming nature, as well as her deep sense of compassion, particularly toward those less fortunate.
Hannah was a mother to five children—Abraham, John, Martin Jr., Winfield Scott, and Smith Thompson. She was deeply involved in their upbringing, providing a stable and loving home environment that allowed her husband the freedom to focus on his growing career. Known for her empathy and kindness, Hannah was particularly beloved by the poor in Kinderhook, as she frequently extended her support to them in times of need. She was known to give generously and assist neighbors without seeking recognition.
In 1819, Hannah fell gravely ill, and as her condition worsened, she expressed a final wish that reflected her character. She asked that her funeral be conducted with simplicity, asking that any funds that might have been used for extravagant mourning attire or decorations instead be donated to the poor. This final act of charity underscored the values that had guided her life—humility, compassion, and generosity.
Hannah Van Buren passed away on February 5, 1819, in Albany, New York, at the age of 35, leaving behind a grieving husband and young children. Her death profoundly affected Martin Van Buren, who would go on to achieve national prominence but never remarried. Her absence was felt throughout his life, and although she passed away before he became president, her quiet strength and principles left a lasting impact on his personal life.
While Hannah Hoes Van Buren never served as First Lady, her legacy is preserved through her personal virtues and the impact she had on her family and community. Her life offers a portrait of a woman deeply committed to family, to acts of kindness, and to her values, embodying the ideals of integrity, modesty, and compassion that defined her and inspired those around her.
The Congressional Evolution of the United States of America
For students and teachers of U.S. history, this video features Stanley and Christopher Klos presenting America's Four United Republics Curriculum at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School. Filmed in December 2015, this video is an informal recording by an audience member capturing a presentation attended by approximately 200 students, professors, and guests. To explore the full curriculum, [download it here].
Sept. 5, 1774 to July 1, 1776
September 5, 1774 | October 22, 1774 | |
October 22, 1774 | October 26, 1774 | |
May 20, 1775 | May 24, 1775 | |
May 25, 1775 | July 1, 1776 |
Commander-in-Chief United Colonies & States of America
George Washington: June 15, 1775 - December 23, 1783
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776 | October 29, 1777 | |
November 1, 1777 | December 9, 1778 | |
December 10, 1778 | September 28, 1779 | |
September 29, 1779 | February 28, 1781 |
Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 | July 6, 1781 | |
July 10, 1781 | Declined Office | |
July 10, 1781 | November 4, 1781 | |
November 5, 1781 | November 3, 1782 | |
November 4, 1782 | November 2, 1783 | |
November 3, 1783 | June 3, 1784 | |
November 30, 1784 | November 22, 1785 | |
November 23, 1785 | June 5, 1786 | |
June 6, 1786 | February 1, 1787 | |
February 2, 1787 | January 21, 1788 | |
January 22, 1788 | January 21, 1789 |
Articles of Confederation Congress
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions
USCA | Session Dates | USCA Convene Date | President(s) |
First | 03-01-1781 to 11-04-1781* | 03-02-1781 | |
Second | 11-05-1781 to 11-03-1782 | 11-05-1781 | |
Third | 11-04-1782 to 11-02-1783 | 11-04-1782 | |
Fourth | 11-03-1783 to 10-31-1784 | 11-03-1783 | |
Fifth | 11-01-1784 to 11-06-1785 | 11-29-1784 | |
Sixth | 11-07-1785 to 11-05-1786 | 11-23-1785 | |
Seventh | 11-06-1786 to 11-04-1787 | 02-02-1787 | |
Eighth | 11-05-1787 to 11-02-1788 | 01-21-1788 | |
Ninth | 11-03-1788 to 03-03-1789** | None | None |
* The Articles of Confederation was ratified by the mandated 13th State on February 2, 1781, and the dated adopted by the Continental Congress to commence the new United States in Congress Assembled government was March 1, 1781. The USCA convened under the Articles of Confederation Constitution on March 2, 1781.** On September 14, 1788, the Eighth United States in Congress Assembled resolved that March 4th, 1789, would be commencement date of the Constitution of 1787's federal government thus dissolving the USCA on March 3rd, 1789.
Presidents of the United States of America
Capitals of the United Colonies and States of America
Philadelphia | Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774 | |
Philadelphia | May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776 | |
Baltimore | Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777 | |
Philadelphia | March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777 | |
Lancaster | September 27, 1777 | |
York | Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778 | |
Philadelphia | July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783 | |
Princeton | June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783 | |
Annapolis | Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784 | |
Trenton | Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784 | |
New York City | Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788 | |
New York City | October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789 | |
New York City | March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790 | |
Philadelphia | Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800 | |
Washington DC | November 17,1800 to Present |
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Edited: Open AI. (2024). ChatGPT [Large language model] - https://chatgpt.com
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